In fall 1936, the Chicago Public Library undertook the Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey with funding from the federal Works Progress Administration (WPA), one of the New Deal programs designed to provide unemployment relief and support engagement in cultural production. Over the next five years, the survey workers collected, transcribed, translated, categorized, and catalogued close to fifty thousand articles from twenty-two ethnic newspapers circulating in the city of Chicago from the 1860s to the 1930s—some 120,000 pages typed! These included articles from mainly Czech, Danish, German, Greek, Jewish, Lithuanian, Norwegian, Polish, Russian, and Swedish newspapers, with a small collection of Albanian, Chinese, Filipino, Serbian, and Slovene publications. Major collections range from the Abendpost to the Denní Hlasatel to the Dziennik Chicagoski to the Jewish Daily Forward to the Naród to the Rassviet to the Svornost to the Saloniki. The originals can be found at the Special Collections Research Center of the University of Chicago. However, starting in 2009, the Newberry Library took the Foreign-Language Press Survey online via a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.[1]
Although there is a wide and deep historiography at the intersection of labor history and immigrant and ethnic history, Leon Fink’s The Long Gilded Age: American Capitalism and the Lessons of a New World Order has confronted earlier issues of underplaying transnational currents in U.S. labor history (for fear of charges of un-Americanism, red-baiting, etc.) and called upon scholars to unapologetically do so.[2] Working with the Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey offers students the chance to engage in this project. Chicago was a center, if not the center, of labor organizing and immigrant/ethnic life in the seven-decades-long era spanned by the CFLPS, which witnessed the Great Railroad Strike, the Haymarket Affair, the Pullman Strike, the 1893 World’s Fair, Red Summer, and the rise of the CIO and New Deal. At the time of the Haymarket Affair, forty percent of Chicago’s population were immigrants (primarily German, Polish, Scandinavian, and Irish), who comprised sixty percent of the city’s workforce. It presents a way to access certain voices of workers who may not have been represented by or organized within the American Federation of Labor, which was sometimes nativist. Moreover, within Chicago’s German-language press, for instance, it enables students to critically interpret class and generational dynamics within immigrant and ethnic communities.
The Assignment: Keywords in Translation
When I’ve taught Labor and Working Class History at UMass-Boston (2018) and Work, Culture, Power in U.S. History at College of the Holy Cross in Worcester, MA (2020, 2023, 2024), I’ve asked students to look out for an interesting keyword in the assigned readings and then find a cluster of articles mentioning the term in the Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey. They then write a five-page interpretative essay based on the combination of the cluster of primary sources and the secondary literature that inspired their search.
Assignment Description
During the weeks devoted to Reconstruction, the Gilded Age, and Progressive Era, be on the lookout for interesting terms, events, labor organizations, corporations, laws, technologies, etc. mentioned in the assigned readings. Then search for this keyword within the database of historical immigrant and ethnic newspapers, the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey. Once you have found two or three articles in the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey mentioning your search term, write a five-page interpretative essay (12-pt font, double-spaced).
Analysis of primary sources from the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey
You should summarize the articles and analyze their main claims about the keyword you’ve searched. What are the political viewpoints expressed in the articles? What might the intended audience have been? Who did the newspaper (claim to) represent in terms of ethnicity, partisanship, class, etc.? Do the articles differ from one another in any interesting ways? If so, what might explain the divergence? Which significant events in the immediate surrounding period could have contributed to the context of writing and publication? Is there discernible change over time?
Contextualization with course materials
Your essay should contextualize the primary sources from the Foreign Language Press Survey by using our assigned primary and secondary readings and/or lecture materials. How do the previously assigned materials aid in analyzing the references or arguments within the primary sources? How do your primary sources shed new light on the event, organization, or phenomenon that appeared in the readings or lecture? What further questions might they provoke when read in tandem with existing interpretations by the historians we’ve read (or myself in lecture)?
Examples of Student Learning
Inspired by Moon-Ho Jung’s Coolies and Cane: Race, Labor, and Sugar in the Age of Emancipation, students have analyzed usages of the term “coolie” in various European immigrant newspapers of the Gilded Age.[3] Inspired by Amy Dru Stanley’s Journal of American History article “Beggars Can’t Be Choosers: Compulsion and Contract in Postbellum America,” Biology major Isabelle Uong (Holy Cross ’22), delved into divergent views within immigrant communities on begging, criminalization, charity, and mutual aid. She analyzed where they affirmed and departed from the ideas associated with the punitive austerity and Gilded Age liberalism of such figures as William Graham Sumner.[4] Inspired by Joseph McCartin’s Labor’s Great War: The Struggle for Industrial Democracy and the Origins of Modern American Labor Relations, 1912-1921, Connor Murphy (Holy Cross ‘21) decided to explore how immigrant and ethnic newspapers conceived of and contested the meaning of “industrial democracy.”[5] Inspired by Thomas Andrews’s Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War and lecture material on the 1902 Anthracite Strike, one student at UMass-Boston in 2018 found an amazing effort by Polish-American newspapers to reveal the real political economy of coal-mining.[6] The student found these articles comparing the wages of co-ethnics in the Pennsylvania coal fields to the prices charged to consumers in Chicago.
Several years later, another student, pre-med Carter Titus (Holy Cross ’25), also drew inspiration from Andrews’s book and the Colorado PBS Documentary on the Ludlow strike and massacre. Carter wrote:
“In early 20th century America, the high demand for coal provided a significant labor market. Colorado, among other states, was prevalent in coal mines. The labor conditions were far from good. Boys as young as twelve and adult men were subject to brutal and unsafe environments.[7] These conditions included frequent methane explosions, inhaling coal dust, and no safety regulations in the mines.[8] Workers spent ample time building railroads for the mine carts, digging further into the mine, and incorporating structural support, yet compensation depended only on the weight of the coal they collected. Miners believed the supervisors who weighed the coal were not paying them their full cut.[9] Building safe mine tunnels was not a priority because they were worried about gathering enough coal to survive.[10] These gruesome circumstances inevitably led to angry and unsatisfied miners. Many uprisings occurred with little progress made. However, when miners went on strike in Ludlow, Colorado, a vicious massacre took place that would catapult workers’ rights and leave a legacy today. The impact this had on workers’ rights is clear within secondary sources by Thomas G. Andrews and Rocky Mountain PBS and primary sources within the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey. The accounts of Socialist, Polish, Swedish, and Croatian Chicago newspapers convey the impact of the Ludlow Strike by changing the way people advocated for workers’ rights against the oppression of the Rockefeller-owned Colorado Fuel and Iron Company.
Before the Ludlow Massacre in 1914, failed attempts to advocate for workers’ rights raised tensions to a breaking point. Sam Gompers, the founder of the American Federation of Labor, made an impactful defense on strikes in 1899. He argued the ability to strike would discourage employers from decreasing workers’ rights. Gompers also believed occasional strikes may be necessary to ensure fair working conditions because employers inherently focus on profit, not their employees.[11] In this spirit, workers in the Colorado Coal Fields went on strike in 1903 and 1904, yet experienced extreme pushback from the mine owners.[12] Soon after these failed strikes, the Swedish newspaper Svenska Nyheter published an article on May 22, 1904. Highlighting the details of failed strikes in Telluride, Colorado, the article discusses how armed members of the Citizens Alliance forced striking miners to leave the city because they advocated for a better workplace. Being a Swedish newspaper with a poor view of Russia, they argued these actions in America resemble the exile to Siberia that Russians receive when they try to express their freedom.[13] While this injustice took place in Colorado, Chicago newspapers were comparing America to a country that lacked the protection of rights. This newspaper supports miners and highlights the lack of action taken after their exile to help those affected. It also acknowledges the event’s lack of prevalence in the press.[14] Advocacy for the Colorado coal miners existed as far as Chicago and only increased through the tipping point at Ludlow.
The Ludlow Massacre was an extremely violent event that was historical for labor rights. In Ludlow, Colorado, the air was hostile. There were frequent deaths in the camps due to explosions. The miners likely believed these explosions would not occur if employers cared more about their safety.[15] Elias Ammon, the governor of Colorado, sent in national guardsmen to mediate the anger and discontent that infected the mines. However, these guardsmen were corrupt as they were previously mine guards. They got paid by the state and the mines in exchange for support of Rockefeller’s interests. These guards would randomly fire guns to scare the miners. The miners were worried for their safety every day. The terror went on until speculation of an attack by the national guards on miners. Louis Tikas, the representative of the miners, went to negotiate but was killed. His death catalyzed a 10-day war between the miners and the guards.[16] After the tragic event, the socialist newspaper La Parola dei Socialisti published an article arguing “the last struggle of Ludlow, Colorado represents one of the vilest attempts against the life and liberty of the working class in the history of America.”[17] Ludlow received national press from this Chicago newspaper in support of the miners. They believed awareness of corruption within Colorado Fuel and Iron needed public attention. Their disapproving views of the mine owners and capitalists are significant because socialists would not believe in a privately owned mining company regardless of the state of workers’ rights. However, this source gives more evidence of the advocacy for the miners as it aimed to educate people on the resistance to strikes that occurred in 20th century America. While John Rockefeller could have allowed the workers recognition into the United Mine Workers Union, he implemented a company union, which granted Colorado Fuel and Iron the power in the union, not the workers.[18] Despite public knowledge of the horrific event and support as far as Chicago, the miners still did not have the rights they sought.
Despite John Rockefeller’s attempts to withhold the worker’s rights, the Ludlow Massacre sparked a further desire to help Colorado’s miners. It wasn’t until 1930 that a significant change for the workers occurred through the New Deal.[19] However, before 1930, people came together to support the miners. On January 9, 1928, the Polish newspaper Dziennik Chicagoski called on the Polish community of Chicago to form a committee to relieve the Colorado miners. The newspaper supports the colliers because of the many that were Polish. Its goal was to create a committee with the help of the American Federation of Labor.[20] While these newspapers previously were focused on spreading awareness, after Ludlow, they wanted to take action by financially supporting the miners and creating a plan to help them. On May 24, 1923, the Novi Svijet newspaper issued a financial report of the aid they sent to the Colorado Miners Defense Committee.[21] This Croatian newspaper worked to help the Croatian miners experiencing a denial of liberty by Colorado Fuel and Iron. Through January 19, 1928, Novi Svijet was still publishing articles to inform readers of fundraising concerts for donations to the Colorado miners.[22]
The Ludlow Massacre created nationwide awareness of the brutal mining conditions in Colorado and other states. According to Vincent C. de Baca, a historian at the University of Denver, and Dr. William J. Convery, a historian for Colorado, the demand for coal produced by these mines made capital a priority over the laborers. Worker abuse was due to a constant demand for coal supply. The exploitation created strikes that resulted in harsh punishments, yet this injustice was fairly unpublicized before Ludlow. After Ludlow, many groups of people represented in Chicago’s newspapers showed a strong passion to take steps toward ending oppression through aid. Robert Butero, a present-day member of the United Mine Workers of America, argues without each strike that built up to the Ludlow Massacre, all industries would not have the rights they do today.[23] These brave expressions of liberty were invaluable to workers across America.
The miners at Ludlow made enormous sacrifices for the benefit of minimum wages, reasonable working hours, safe working conditions, and beyond. Before Ludlow, there was minimal support for the miners on strike in Colorado. After the massacre, the rights of the colliers in Colorado and other states were a priority. The Chicago Foreign Press Survey conveys the national level of support for workers’ rights. Despite being over 1100 miles Northeast of Colorado, Chicago’s population was rooting for the Colorado Fuel and Iron workers. The courageous actions of the workers to express their right to strike and refuse poor working conditions maintain a lasting impact on all workers in the contemporary world.”
Occasionally, a student has begun by searching in the CFLPS with a general term such as “strike.” This led History major John Larsen (Holy Cross ‘23) to explore the affective dimensions of whether to strike among Scandinavian Chicagoans during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era. Larsen wrote about what he called the “socio-economic politics of fear”:
“At the turn of the 20th century, Chicago was a bustling center for industry, immigration, and by extension, US labor activism. The city’s rapid expansion was only made possible by backbreaking labor, frequently performed by members of various immigrant communities. These workers, drawn to the United States in the hope of opportunity or freedom, faced a cruel reality in the workplace. Unsafe working conditions and low wages galvanized workers to organize strikes to demand greater protections and higher wages. However, in its various forms, fear shaped the very way people organized and experienced their day-to-day life. After the careful examination of two editorials published in ethnic newspapers, the Skandinaven and the Svenska Nyheter, one can better understand the complex dynamics of fear in the first decade of the twentieth century. The Skandinaven and Svenska Nyheter wrote for Norwegian and Swedish audiences respectively, and their editorials expose critical arguments relevant to US labor history. In particular, these editorials reveal that “fear,” once an emotional response towards unjust working conditions, could be reallocated to inspire mass mobilization efforts.
Unfortunately, unsafe working conditions and a high risk of workplace fatalities made fear an everyday reality for workers. An editorial in Svenska Nyheter titled “For Those Who Condemn Strikes” exposes this hardship and how these daily hardships necessitated organized strikes.[24] This article was written in 1903, during the height of the skyscraper boom in urban centers like Chicago and New York. As investors pushed for skyscrapers to literally and figuratively reach new heights and set world records, workers flirted with death “nearly every minute of their working time.”[25] Since workers were suspended hundreds of feet above ground with little to no protective equipment, one misstep and ironworkers could plummet to their death. Chicago’s infamously frigid winds further complicated their work, as a frosty blast could impair their vision and result in fatal mistakes. Understandably, few envied their work, and one journalist was famously paid $50 to take a photo on the top of the skyscraper. The payment for this one picture was equivalent to two weeks of an iron worker’s wages. The journalist later admitted that one million dollars would not be enough money to face an ironworkers’ distances again.[26] It is not that ironworkers were extraordinarily fearless; instead, they needed to be quickly desensitized to their work’s dangerous conditions to perform their duties. This Svenska Nyheter article provides a compelling argument for ironworkers to organize a strike, as they pressured their employers to alleviate this very tangible reality of fear in their work.
The strikes documented in both articles follow the legacy of other workers who unionized to directly address critical concerns in their workplace. For example, years earlier, in Ludlow, Colorado, miners unionized and had strikingly similar demands to Swedish ironworkers in Chicago. However, their work’s very nature meant that miners feared carbon monoxide poisoning or mines collapsing in on themselves.[27] While these miners feared their mortality regularly, this circumstance fostered camaraderie among workers that could unite them beyond their personal differences. Standing together in solidarity, miners recognized that their work gave them power. They recognized that they were physically carrying the brunt of American progress on their backs, as the natural resources like coal found in Western mines made Western cities’ industrialization possible. Therefore, they could argue they could stage a claim for greater protections and receive higher compensations.[28] Ultimately, the miners in Ludlow faced a tragic end, but their spirit of unity set an example of how unions could transform their fears and frustration into political action.[29] Despite the varying socio-political contexts, it is essential to consider the historical legacy of fear and organized strikes when considering its impacts in early twentieth-century Chicago.
Despite corporations’ frequent and admittedly deserving portrayal of antagonists in US labor history, it is important to realize that fear influenced the way they operated and resisted strikes. The Skandinaven’s article acknowledges this sentiment and expresses that strikes have a domino effect on the economy and people’s everyday lives. In particular, the streetcar strike described in the article would put Chicago in a literal standstill, and companies would be unable to meet the populace’s demands.[30] By their very design, strikes apply economic pressure on corporations because they relied on workers’ labor. Organized strikes gained in power and frequency at the turn of the century, with strike participation peaking in 1903 with 3,494 strikes.[31] This fear motivated some industries to be more considerate of strikers’ demands, especially when the strike had significant impacts on the public. This tactic is perhaps best highlighted by the Anthracite Strike of 1902. After 140,000 members of the UMWA went on strike, swift action was made to remedy the problem.[32] Since coal was an essential resource, mass organizers held greater economic and social power to pressure their employers into implementing change.[33] Written seven years later, the Skandinaven’s article hints upon the influence of successful strikes in their recent history. Fear still held power over corporations and made them seem more receptive to accommodate workers’ demands at the end of the first decade of the twentieth century out of necessity and to avoid economic fallout and overall calamity.
Although united by the keyword “fear” and the topic of organized strikes, these two articles present the varying spectrum of progressive tactics in labor discourse. Written during the height of organized strikes, Svenska Nyeheter’s editorial is unapologetically more demanding and progressive in its demands. In fact, the article’s very intent is to mobilize support for those on strike and dispel any objections about the validity of a strike. Written for Swedish immigrants living in Chicago, the author appeals to the reader’s logos and pathos. The author notes that one of the greatest grievances is unfair compensation in wages compared to other dangerous work lines. Even though both held equally dangerous positions, American Bridge Company’s ironworkers only made three to four dollars per day compared to the fifty to a hundred dollars a church spire builder earned for the same level of work.[34] Here, the Svenska Nyeheter presents a compelling argument, there is a similar level of skill and risk involved with employment, yet the financial compensation for these efforts are astronomically low. Furthermore, Svenska Nyeheter recognizes the success of unionization and how it created tangible change. After the ironworkers unionized, their working hours decreased, and their pay increased by 128%.[35] It is important to realize that these improvements reveal how poorly workers previously had been compensated instead of the generosity of the corporation. These appeals to logic are only made more compelling by the statement that directors working in office buildings are supported by beams stained by “dark red spots,” the blood of ironworkers who died to complete these buildings.[36] While the Svenska Nyeheter presents no formal political ideology, the editorial is damning towards capitalism and the structures that help executives retain their power. Fear seems to percolate here in not just the risks of the job, but more poignantly, the very risk of forgetting those who died for the sake of capitalistic progress.
Meanwhile, the editorial written in Skandinaven presents a more moderate perspective on labor activism, insinuating that strikes are born out of necessity. As the Skandinaven aptly states, “nobody desires that sort of fight”, as it inconveniences everyone.[37] The most pressing issue at hand is that workers were not being paid adequately to purchase everyday necessities like milk and eggs. This sentiment is remarkably similar to Samuel Gompers attitude towards striking. It is not that people enthusiastically wanted to strike, but rather workers “workers must hold to their right to strike.”[38] After all other options were exhausted, organizing a strike is a last resort option to ensure that their demands are met. While the Skandinaven never specifies its political affiliations or union preference, the very rhetoric suggests a more moderate approach, indicative of craft unionism championed by the AFL. Also, unlike the Svenska Nyheter article, there is no direct critique of capitalism. Rather the union’s success relies on the strikers’ public support and maintaining a constructive relationship with their employer. As referenced in the article, a steel car strike’s very nature ensures public interest in the strikers’ demands.[39] Since the city of Chicago has particular interests in preventing the strike’s chaos, there was increased willingness to work with the workers to appease their demands and prevent the strike. The author of the Skandinaven appears confident in the strikes’ success, suggesting that the union flipped the dynamics of fear onto the public to ensure their interests were met.
It is important to recognize that these two editorials reflect just a sampling of perspectives of how ethnic newspapers relay the politics of fear to their readers. It would be remiss not to state the obvious, that the Norwegian readers of the Skandinaven and the Swedish readers of the Svenska Nyheter come from different backgrounds, and subsequently, their experiences might differ. Yet, it is also important to recognize the similarities between the two. Namely, fear does not appear to place an additional burden on Swedish or Norwegian laborers on the basis of their identity. Instead, the varying historical contexts shape how fear integrates itself into their lives and how they harness it to organize successful strikes. Ultimately, fear demands historical attention. Although understanding the role of fear requires a nuanced dissection of the factors shaping its power, understanding the evolution of fear dynamics highlights the forces that stimulate change in society, both past and present.”
The assignment is also an opportunity to discuss with students the making of an archive—and the role of New Deal programs in doing so. In her classic Making A New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939, Lizabeth Cohen countered the notion that the 1920s constituted an altogether fallow period for labor organizing.[40] Rather, she traced how workers in Chicago shifted away from relying solely on immigrant and ethnic communities for sustenance in times of need and social lives in times of plenty. Instead, they found themselves engaged in mass media and consumption turning to the institutions and activities of welfare capitalism (soon to be revoked by corporations in the Great Depression). Transformations in habits, expectations, and communities would enable the galvanizing of a working class in Chicago in the era of the major CIO campaigns. This was also, Cohen argues, the moment when the New Deal made the state markedly more visible to working-class Chicagoans…through such projects at the WPA-funded Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey.
In the Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey itself, one can discern a labor history of its own. The Survey relied on translators, editors, typists, and proofreaders, with the support and oversight of project editors and scholar-directors at Northwestern University and the University of Chicago, especially historian Bessie Louise Pierce. In addition to the WPA and the Chicago Public Library, the Newberry Library, the John Crerar Library (University of Chicago), and the Chicago Historical Society provided resources.[41]
The work process of assembling the archive reflected the methods and concepts of the era’s social sciences alongside the political culture of the New Deal initiative.[42] The project editors designated categories for the material, by ethnic group and by subject codes such as “Attitudes,” “Social Organization,” “Contributions and Activities,” and “Assimilation.”[43] They saw their goal as investigating how immigrant and ethnic communities had made a composite city of “American” and foreign cultures in Chicago. The project directors and editors hired the translators and assigned them historical newspapers. Significantly, in going through the newspapers, the translators were tasked with finding articles that would fit within one or more of the predefined subject codes. Following initial translation, editors reviewed the work, asked for changes, and sometimes rejected articles. While the CFLPS is a rich resource, one wonders what sources and related histories sit in its scrap-pile. Finally, proofreaders revised each article’s text for English prose.[44] (Now that more historical newspapers have been digitized, one could envision a project in a language class to find the original article translated in the CFLPS and compare the word choice and content!)
My CFLPS assignment largely bypasses the categorization of the original archive, depending instead on keyword-search by students. Nevertheless, a project in its own right could involve researching and critically analyzing the making of the archive and its categories. How did the disciplines of History and Sociology at the University of Chicago influence the project’s mission and the ultimate structure of the archive? (Sociologist Robert Park, who viewed human society as an ecological organism with patterns, comes to mind.) How did academic researchers connect with translators and typists hired under WPA auspices? If it hasn’t been done already, this undertaking might be better-suited to Chicago-based colleges and universities with access to physical archives there. For now, we in Worcester, MA will make the most of the digitized CFLPS archive.
Although the Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey enables students to access newspapers published in multiple languages in English, I hope it will inspire some of them to take up or continue language study, as they become aware that resources such as this one, as amazing as they are, barely scratch the surface. I was first introduced to the CFLPS by Prof. Kathleen Neils Conzen, when I was an undergraduate student at the University of Chicago. I went on to take two years of German there, and write a BA thesis on the political engagement of German revolutionaries of 1848 in the U.S. before, during, and after the Civil War. Eventually, during dissertation research, I’d land in state and firm archives related to work, knowledge, and power in engineering industries from Cologne to Chemnitz (Köln to Karl-Marx-Stadt?).
As search engines degrade into AI-generated nonsense, I hope that working with the Chicago Foreign-Language Press Survey archive will not only pique students’ curiosity, but also underscore the power of meaning and context. For some, the project also ends up entailing a delve into their family or regional roots; for others, rethinking assumptions about immigration; for yet others, both. I hope it will allow them to recover the struggles and strategies of working people from the “long Gilded Age” to making a New Deal.
A version of this blog post was also featured at LAWCHA’s LaborOnline
[1] “About the Press Survey,” Newberry Library (2021): https://flps.newberry.org/#/
[2] Leon Fink, The Long Gilded Age: American Capitalism and the Lessons of a New World Order (University of Pennsylvania Press, 2014).
[3] Moon-Ho Jung, Coolies and Cane: Race, Labor, and Sugar in the Age of Emancipation (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006).
[4] Amy Dru Stanley, “Beggars Can’t Be Choosers: Compulsion and Contract in Postbellum America,” The Journal of American History 78, no. 4 (1992): 1265-1293.
[5] Joseph McCartin, Labor’s Great War: The Struggle for Industrial Democracy and the Origins of Modern American Labor Relations, 1912-1921 (UNC Press, 2017 [1997]).
[6] Thomas Andrews, Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War (Harvard University Press, 2008).
[7] Thomas G. Andrews, Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2008), 125.
[8] Colorado Experience, Season 1 Episode 107, “Ludlow Massacre,” directed by Julia Speer, aired April 4th, 2013, Rocky Mountain PBS, https://video.rmpbs.org/video/colorado-experience-ludlow-massacre/.
[9] Andrews, Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War, 128.
[10] Colorado Experience, Season 1 Episode 107, “Ludlow Massacre,” directed by Julia Speer, aired April 4th, 2013, Rocky Mountain PBS, https://video.rmpbs.org/video/colorado-experience-ludlow-massacre/.
[11] Samuel Gompers, Report of the Industrial Commission on the Relations and Conditions of Capital and Labor.
[12] Liat Spiro, “Week 6: Competing Visions of Industrial Democracy.” Slide 39-40.
[13] “Editorial,” Svenska Nyheter, Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey, March 22, 1904.
[14] “Editorial,” La Parola dei Socialisti, Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey, May 9, 1914.
[15] Andrews, Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War, 152.
[16] Colorado Experience, Season 1 Episode 107, “Ludlow Massacre,” directed by Julia Speer, aired April 4th, 2013, Rocky Mountain PBS, https://video.rmpbs.org/video/colorado-experience-ludlow-massacre/.
[17] “Editorial,” La Parola dei Socialisti, Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey, May 9, 1914.
[18] Colorado Experience, Season 1 Episode 107, “Ludlow Massacre,” directed by Julia Speer, aired April 4th, 2013, Rocky Mountain PBS, https://video.rmpbs.org/video/colorado-experience-ludlow-massacre/.
[19] Colorado Experience, Season 1 Episode 107, “Ludlow Massacre,” directed by Julia Speer, aired April 4th, 2013, Rocky Mountain PBS, https://video.rmpbs.org/video/colorado-experience-ludlow-massacre/.
[20] “To All the Polish Union Locals, Societies, and Organizations in Chicago”, Dziennik Chicagoski, Chicago Foreign Press Survey, January 9, 1928.
[21] “Coal Miners Relief” Novi Svijet, Chicago Foreign Press Survey, May 24, 1923.
[22] “Raising Funds for the Strike” Novi Svijet, Chicago Foreign Press Survey, January 19, 1928.
[23] Colorado Experience, Season 1 Episode 107, “Ludlow Massacre,” directed by Julia Speer, aired April 4th, 2013, Rocky Mountain PBS, https://video.rmpbs.org/video/colorado-experience-ludlow-massacre/.
[24] Svenska Nyheter. “For Those Who Condemn Strikes (Editorial).” Svenska Nyheter. May 12, 1903. https://flps.newberry.org/article/5423404_1_0690.
[25] Svenska Nyheter. “For Those Who Condemn Strikes (Editorial).”
[26] Svenska Nyheter. “For Those Who Condemn Strikes (Editorial).”
[27] Andrews, Thomas G. “Dying With Their Boots On.” Essay. In Killing for Coal: America’s Deadliest Labor War, 137. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008.
[28] Andrews. “Dying With Their Boots On”. 147.
[29] Liat Spiro. Week 6 PowerPoint: Competing Views of Democracy, slides 40-41, 47.
[30] Skandinaven.“No Strike (Editorial).” Skandinaven. August 8,1909. https://flps.newberry.org/article/5423969_1_0803.
[31] David Montgomery. “Workers’ Control of Machine Production in the Nineteenth Century .” Essay. In Workers’ Control In America: Studies In the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles., 20. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980.
[32] Spiro. Competing Views of Democracy, 34-36.
[33] Skandinaven. “No Strike (Editorial)”
[34] Svenska Nyheter. “For Those Who Condemn Strikes (Editorial).”
[35] Svenska Nyheter. “For Those Who Condemn Strikes (Editorial).”
[36] Skandinaven. “No Strike (Editorial)”
[37] Committee on Labor, and Samuel Gompers. Document, Major Problems in the History of American Workers: Documents and Essays §. 495 (2002).
[38] Spiro. Competing Views of Democracy, 12.
[39] Skandinaven. “No Strike (Editorial)”
[40] Lizabeth Cohen, Making A New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919-1939 (Cambridge University Press, 2014 [1990]).
[41] Guide to the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey Records, 1861-1938 (2007): https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/scrc/findingaids/view.php?eadid=ICU.SPCL.CFLPS
[42] Joshua M. Lupkin, “Guide to the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey,” University of Illinois, (2008): https://guides.library.illinois.edu/cflps
[43] Guide to the Chicago Foreign Language Press Survey Records, 1861-1938 (2007): https://www.lib.uchicago.edu/e/scrc/findingaids/view.php?eadid=ICU.SPCL.CFLPS
[44] “About the WPA Project,” Newberry Library (2021): https://flps.newberry.org/#/